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BlogFrom the Desk of Bob BarrLiberty Updates

Oklahoma Opioid Opinion a Harbinger of Dangers to Come

by Liberty Guard Author September 4, 2019
written by Liberty Guard Author

Townhall.com

by Bob Barr

Anyone hoping to find consistency in how courts are assigning responsibility for the so-called “opioid crisis” will be sadly disappointed.  Last May, a North Dakota judge dismissed a lawsuit against Purdue Pharma that sought to hold the pharmaceutical manufacturer responsible for that state’s opioid problem. Just last week, an Oklahoma judge in a very similar case decided to take the opposite approach and found that another drug manufacturing giant, Johnson & Johnson, was responsible for the state’s high number of individuals using the opioids it manufactured; to the tune of nearly $600 million.

In each of these lawsuits, the pharmaceutical company was charged under the respective state’s “nuisance” laws, with engaging in “deceptive” marketing practices that in turn caused and contributed to individuals’ opioid addiction.  

Using nuisance laws in this way — targeting deep-pocketed corporations selling or manufacturing dis-favored products within a state – is a legal maneuver increasingly favored by aggressive state attorneys general to attack everything from cigarettes to firearms. 

Considering the facts in these two most recent opioid cases were very similar, why were the judges’ rulings dramatically different?  As Reason’s Jacob Sullum put it, the rulings “pit a simple narrative of the ‘opioid crisis’ with a clear set of villains against a more complicated story that’s closer to the truth.” In other words, the two courts had very different concepts of “justice” regardless of the facts presented.

In North Dakota, both sides of the controversy were argued and weighed, with Judge James Hill holding that the State failed to meet its burden of proof; not that Purdue was completely innocent, but rather the State did not have sufficient evidence to find the company legally responsible. Oklahoma Judge Thad Balkman took a far more policy-based approach. He appeared to essentially ignore the evidence presented by the corporate defendant, including strong evidence showing that abuse of the prescription medication it manufactured was only a small part of the overall opioid death trend.  He then went for the multi-hundred-million-dollar pound of corporate flesh.

In North Dakota, we see judicial reasoning reflective of the objective standard normally expected from courts.  The Oklahoma judge’s reasoning reflects something more akin to mob justice; purposed only to slake society’s collective thirst for assigning blame and punishment. 

Broadly speaking, the problem with the Oklahoma verdict extends far beyond the opioid setting on which it and its North Dakota counterpart were based.  

For example, as Democrats continue their relentless effort to dismantle the buffer between politics and the judiciary at every level, we face the very real danger that courts are becoming little more than public stockades, where true guilt matters far less than simply finding someone to punish and shame. It is distressing that many of today’s judges appear willing, if not eager, to make decisions reflecting such a philosophy.

Democrats understand this well, and it is why they have become adept at using our state and federal court systems as political bludgeons to hamper President Trump’s ability to implement the public policies on which he was elected.  In this emerging game of judicial brinksmanship, a single federal judge is able to bring to a screeching halt virtually any important national policy move Trump makes. 

Democrat kingmaker George Soros also clearly understands the power inherent in our supposedly impartial judicial system.  In recent years, he has devoted significant financial resources to ensure that local prosecutors, state attorneys general and state judges who share his political philosophy are elected to such offices (along with a willingness to thus abuse the powers of those positions).  

At the federal level, Democrats are keenly aware that Trump’s picks for district, appellate and Supreme Court judges are far less likely than those nominated by his Democrat predecessors to view courts as policymaking bodies.  It is precisely why Senate Democrats remain so hatefully dedicated to regaining control of the Senate and defeating Trump next year.  The Oklahoma judge’s expansive assignment of responsibility to a perhaps unsympathetic corporation for individuals abusing a product is but a small taste of what is to come if the Democrat Party succeeds in its political goals next year.

September 4, 2019 0 comment
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BlogLiberty Updates

House Democrats Won’t Fix Guns — It’s Up To Senate Republicans

by Liberty Guard Author September 3, 2019
written by Liberty Guard Author

The Daily Caller

by Bob Barr

With the U.S. House reconvening this week, the agenda will be both predictable and meaningless. Led by Judiciary Chairman Jerrold Nadler of New York, Democrats will clamor for bans on “assault weapons” and “high capacity” magazines. They will demand “universal” background checks and “red flag” laws. Nothing will happen that will help solve the problem of mass shootings.

As has been the GOP’s standard operating procedure, Senate leaders could simply wait for the Democrat-controlled House to pass the same cookie-cutter gun-control measures it pulls out of its arsenal every time it has the opportunity and refuse to bring the legislation to the Senate floor for votes. Or, Senate Republicans could actually do something meaningful — immediately convene hearings and call as witnesses top administration officials who can substantively address the real issues and provide information that can guide meaningful solutions.

Start with the law already on the books — the so-called “Fix NICS” Act signed last year by President Trump, and to have been fully implemented this summer. This statute was designed expressly to plug shortcomings in the system of FBI-administered background checks preceding every commercial firearm sale in the country; yet which has been demonstrably plagued by “bad information in” that results in mistakes being made with sometimes tragic consequences, as happened in Charleston, South Carolina in 2015 and Sutherland Springs, Texas two years later.

Bring forward the two key government officials most responsible for ensuring that the NICS system works as intended and as amended, before the Senate Judiciary Committee. Instead of rote talking points, these officials could provide direct and relevant answers to the Congress and the American people. Attorney General William Barr has ultimate responsibility under our laws for administering the NICS system and myriad other firearms-related programs within the jurisdiction of the sprawling department he heads. Assistant FBI Director for Criminal Justice Information Services Michael DeLeon has direct, day-to-day responsibility for the program itself.

These two men can tell the Congress what human mistakes or administrative shortcomings might be responsible for bad information coming into NICS on the front end (from data bases maintained by law enforcement and other agencies responsible for inputting information identifying persons prohibited under law from possessing firearms), that result in mistakes on the other end (allowing firearms to be sold to individuals legally “disabled” from having them). Charleston and Sutherland Springs proved the system is flawed. Hearings such as these will tell us whether measures supposed to fix those flaws are working as intended.

There are additional important hearings the Senate should initiate, rather than insisting as Nadler does, on pushing for simplistic and constitutionally flawed red flag laws or banning firearms such as the widely possessed AR-15 rifle or high capacity magazines; steps proved in the past to have no meaningful effect on firearm crimes.

Moreover, considering the fact that many, if not most mass shooters in recent years used or abused strong, psychotropic drugs in the past or immediately before their murderous sprees, the Senate should call Secretary of Health and Human Services Alex Azar, to enlighten us as to whether this phenomenon does in fact bear causally on the reasons far too young men turn to mass murder in 21st century America.

Importantly, but often overlooked in these debates, is the fact that the private sector — specifically, firearms retailers — play a key role ensuring the firearms background check system works as intended. Congress right now should directly inquire into measures at least some major retailers already are taking to ensure that information entered on the front end (from gun purchasers) is as accurate as possible by using technology to minimize human inputting error.

It is clear to virtually everyone that these and other steps to actually and meaningfully improve the firearms background check system, do not fit the politically driven agenda of House Democrats. However, as a favor to the GOP and to the American people, Majority Leader Mitch McConnell should insist the Senate bring them forward, rather than playing into the left’s hands as Sen. Lindsey Graham is doing by signaling support for red flag legislation.

Bob Barr (http://www.twitter.com/BobBarr) represented Georgia in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1995 to 2003. He currently serves as president and CEO of the https://laweef.org/.

September 3, 2019 0 comment
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From the Desk of Bob BarrLiberty UpdatesMedia Appearances

Lindsey Graham Doesn’t Trust The Courts Who Spied On Trump — But Trusts Them With Gun Control

by Liberty Guard Author August 28, 2019
written by Liberty Guard Author

Lindsey Graham Doesn’t Trust The Courts Who Spied On Trump — But Trusts Them With Gun Control

The Daily Caller

By Bob Barr

August 26, 201910:00 AM ET

Senate Judiciary Chairman Lindsey Graham is busy. He is openly touting the need for bipartisan legislation encouraging states to enact “red flag” gun confiscation laws, which place in the hands of local and state-level judges the near-absolute power to order confiscation of a person’s firearms. At the very same time, he talks openly of the well-known abuses by the federal Department of Justice and the super-secret Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court (FISC) that set in motion unlawful surveillance of persons connected with the 2016 Trump campaign.

Graham’s “love-hate” perception of judges — in which they are alternatively to be trusted or mistrusted with the power to take away individual liberties otherwise protected by the Bill of Rights — is a view apparently widely held within the Congress and in the real world.

Many self-avowed Senate conservatives – Graham and Sen. Ted Cruz among them – now appear willing, if not anxious to vest lower-level judges with powers to secretly undermine individuals’ Second Amendment rights; just as the FISC judges appear to have done to the Fourth Amendment rights of Carter Paige, George Papadopoulos, and others in 2016.

Such extreme faith in state judges is misplaced; not because judges are inherently bad or dishonest, but because they are human, just as are presidents and members of Congress. When a judge is asked to place limits on an individual with the goal of preventing future acts of violence or harm committed by that individual, it is only natural for the judge to err on the side of caution. After all, what judge wants to be later blamed for not having taken such anticipatory action, when subsequent harm results (even though judges enjoy essentially absolute immunity for rendering such decisions wrongly).

The push by state government officials — and now many members of Congress — to authorize judges to issue restraining orders empowering police to seize any firearms known or suspected to be in possession of a person deemed to pose a risk of harm to themselves or others by use of a firearm, presents serious threats to constitutional guarantees otherwise enjoyed by individuals in the United States. These threats strike at the heart of the Second, Fourth, Fifth and 14th Amendments to the Constitution.

If those pressing for such extraordinary judicial and law enforcement powers seriously believe that such powers will be used carefully and with robust regard for the rights of the individuals against who such “risk prevention orders” are directed, they need seriously to consider the manner by which another class of such orders have been used in recent years — domestic violence restraining orders.

As a practical matter, granting temporary, ex parte (that is, without opportunity for the person against who an order is directed, to have any opportunity to oppose its issuance) orders in domestic violence cases has become largely routine. As noted by Dr. Tara Palmatier in a November 2017 paper, many, if not a majority of such orders are sought by spouses and domestic partners as a way to gain advantage in a planned or pending divorce action; part of what has been called the “gamesmanship of divorce.”

A typical “red flag law,” such as that enacted in Florida last year immediately following the tragic mass murder at a high school in Parkland, illustrates perfectly the constitutional and practical defects inherent in such laws. That law permits issuance of a court order empowering police to seize (at least temporarily) a person’s firearms, based on nothing more than “reasonable cause” to believe the person poses a danger to themselves or others, and that they possess a firearm. Once seized, the burden shifts entirely to the firearms owner to regain his property, by “proving by clear and convincing evidence that” he or she “does not pose a significant danger.”

Those who believe red flag laws will not become yet another part of the “gamesmanship” of civil litigation and a tool of gun control policy advocates (often assisted by “restraining order clinics” to counsel applicants how to best craft applications for restraining applications) need to better educate themselves on the constitutional and practical infirmities that accompany such measures.

Bob Barr represented Georgia in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1995 to 2003. He currently serves as president and CEO of the https://laweef.org/.

August 28, 2019 0 comment
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BlogFrom the Desk of Bob BarrLiberty Updates

Democrats Broke Higher Ed. Now They Want a Bailout

by Liberty Guard Author August 28, 2019
written by Liberty Guard Author

Townhall.com

by Bob Barr

Higher education in America today should come with the disclaimer, caveat emptor. The cost of tuition has more than doubled in the last two decades, with the value of a four-year college degree heading in the opposite direction. 

The “fix” championed by Democratic Party leaders – a bailout for those already graduated, and “free” tuition for those entering the pipeline – will only make matters worse.

A part of this long-developing problem is simply supply and demand; the overabundance of bachelor’s degrees in the market means they are worth less in the eyes of employers. There also is more talent in the marketplace for specialized jobs, meaning graduates with narrowly tailored degrees in obscure fields are less likely to find employment regardless of how much they spent on those degrees. Moreover, employers cannot be sure about the quality of graduates; are they getting someone who is smart and capable in the workplace, or a lite snowflake who melts outside the “safe space” sanctuary of college.

It is a badly broken system, and cannot be remedied by the Democratic Party’s much-ballyhooed “bailout” proposals.  

The $1.6 trillion student loan crisis is not to be ignored or overlooked. The massive amount of debt shouldered by mostly young Americans has been shown to have a sweeping economic and social impact — from delaying marriages and having children, to stunting small business entrepreneurship. Yet, a bailout of student loans, in the form of cancellation or forgiveness such as supported by almost all of the 2020 Democratic presidential hopefuls, absolves from responsibility those whose policies caused the problem, while doing nothing to address the root cause. In other words, the standard Democratic strategy.

No one really believes that the quality of education has risen in proportion to its cost. In fact, the value of a degree in 2019 is far less than it was in 1999. Students may enjoy more lavish dorms, massive student centers, and cushy classrooms, but nothing of substance that translates to value in the working world. Students who arrive on campus for a classical education, end up paying for liberal vanity projects with zero real-world value — expensive administrators tasked with “social justice” and leading “bias response teams,” along with liberal arts programs that pay inflated faculty salaries for teaching “courses” on Brazilian transgender prostitutes, and riffing on Twitter about Republicans being serial rapists.

The Democrats’ drive to define college education a “human right” has helped to make student loans as easy to get as sub-prime lending in the mid-2000s.  This, of course, virtually ensures colleges and universities can continue to charge whatever they want, because students (and their parents) will somehow secure the dollars demanded. This warped arrangement carries virtually no risk for the lenders, since student loans are difficult, if not impossible to discharge in bankruptcy; with many guaranteed by Uncle Sam himself.

Why should the rest of America shoulder this burden, especially those generations who worked hard to repay what they owed? Why is an expensive education at a northern school (the top seven statesfor highest average student loan debt are in the north), for a degree the student should have known had no marketable value, but was simply something he or she “wanted to learn,” suddenly the responsibility of American taxpayers generally? 

A bailout of student loans is a great marketing ploy by Democratic presidential candidates, but it represents nothing other than another higher education scam; one that rewards the perpetrators and punishes everyone else. Colleges will continue to charge astronomical tuition. Lenders will continue handing out money at zero-risk to them. And, irresponsible students will rest easy knowing that someone else will be picking up the tab for a four-year luxury vacation to study a field that only they care about. 

The crisis in higher education is the product of liberal hubris and government meddling, and has produced an educational system designed more for the personal and political vanity of edu-crats, than for the benefit of our nation’s young people. 

A bailout of this broken and corrupt system will greatly harm America’s global competitiveness in the decades to come. In fact, it already has.

August 28, 2019 0 comment
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Lindsey Graham Doesn’t Trust The Courts Who Spied On Trump — But Trusts Them With Gun Control

by Liberty Guard Author August 26, 2019
written by Liberty Guard Author

The Daily Caller

By Bob Barr

Senate Judiciary Chairman Lindsey Graham is busy. He is openly touting the need for bipartisan legislation encouraging states to enact “red flag” gun confiscation laws, which place in the hands of local and state-level judges the near-absolute power to order confiscation of a person’s firearms. At the very same time, he talks openly of the well-known abuses by the federal Department of Justice and the super-secret Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court (FISC) that set in motion unlawful surveillance of persons connected with the 2016 Trump campaign.

Graham’s “love-hate” perception of judges — in which they are alternatively to be trusted or mistrusted with the power to take away individual liberties otherwise protected by the Bill of Rights — is a view apparently widely held within the Congress and in the real world.

Many self-avowed Senate conservatives – Graham and Sen. Ted Cruz among them – now appear willing, if not anxious to vest lower-level judges with powers to secretly undermine individuals’ Second Amendment rights; just as the FISC judges appear to have done to the Fourth Amendment rights of Carter Paige, George Papadopoulos, and others in 2016.

Such extreme faith in state judges is misplaced; not because judges are inherently bad or dishonest, but because they are human, just as are presidents and members of Congress. When a judge is asked to place limits on an individual with the goal of preventing future acts of violence or harm committed by that individual, it is only natural for the judge to err on the side of caution. After all, what judge wants to be later blamed for not having taken such anticipatory action, when subsequent harm results (even though judges enjoy essentially absolute immunity for rendering such decisions wrongly).

The push by state government officials — and now many members of Congress — to authorize judges to issue restraining orders empowering police to seize any firearms known or suspected to be in possession of a person deemed to pose a risk of harm to themselves or others by use of a firearm, presents serious threats to constitutional guarantees otherwise enjoyed by individuals in the United States. These threats strike at the heart of the Second, Fourth, Fifth and 14th Amendments to the Constitution.

If those pressing for such extraordinary judicial and law enforcement powers seriously believe that such powers will be used carefully and with robust regard for the rights of the individuals against who such “risk prevention orders” are directed, they need seriously to consider the manner by which another class of such orders have been used in recent years — domestic violence restraining orders.

As a practical matter, granting temporary, ex parte (that is, without opportunity for the person against who an order is directed, to have any opportunity to oppose its issuance) orders in domestic violence cases has become largely routine. As noted by Dr. Tara Palmatier in a November 2017 paper, many, if not a majority of such orders are sought by spouses and domestic partners as a way to gain advantage in a planned or pending divorce action; part of what has been called the “gamesmanship of divorce.”

A typical “red flag law,” such as that enacted in Florida last year immediately following the tragic mass murder at a high school in Parkland, illustrates perfectly the constitutional and practical defects inherent in such laws. That law permits issuance of a court order empowering police to seize (at least temporarily) a person’s firearms, based on nothing more than “reasonable cause” to believe the person poses a danger to themselves or others, and that they possess a firearm. Once seized, the burden shifts entirely to the firearms owner to regain his property, by “proving by clear and convincing evidence that” he or she “does not pose a significant danger.”

Those who believe red flag laws will not become yet another part of the “gamesmanship” of civil litigation and a tool of gun control policy advocates (often assisted by “restraining order clinics” to counsel applicants how to best craft applications for restraining applications) need to better educate themselves on the constitutional and practical infirmities that accompany such measures.

Bob Barr (http://www.twitter.com/BobBarr) represented Georgia in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1995 to 2003. He currently serves as president and CEO of the https://laweef.org/.

August 26, 2019 0 comment
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If Democrats Win 2020, Expect Them To Dismantle ‘Sick’ Supreme Court

by Liberty Guard Author August 21, 2019
written by Liberty Guard Author

If Democrats Win 2020, Expect Them To Dismantle ‘Sick’ Supreme Court

The Daily Caller

Monday, August 19, 2019

By Bob Barr

Senate Democrats are still seething over the Republican majority’s refusal in 2016 to schedule a vote on President Obama’s Supreme Court nominee, Merrick Garland. Democratic senators now are brazenly threatening to “restructure” the Supreme Court, in an eerie replication of FDR’s effort to “pack” the High Court following his 1936 reelection.

Democratic senators filed a “friend-of-the-court” brief this month in support of New York City’s draconian gun control policies, and used it to undermine the legitimacy of the court. “The Supreme Court is not well. And the people know it. Perhaps the court can heal itself before the public demands it be ‘restructured in order to reduce the influence of politics.’ Particularly on the urgent issue of gun control, a nation desperately needs it to heal,” the group wrote.

The five Democratic senators who signed onto the Supreme Court brief, led by Rhode Island’s Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse, proposed changing the very structure of the Supreme Court in order to better insulate it from “political” pressures that do not fit their policy preferences.

While this approach is subtler than the party’s vicious attacks on Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh, it is far more sinister.

While the Constitution mandates that there be “one Supreme Court,” with each justice holding what is in effect lifetime tenure, the number of justices on the court has by law been set at nine since 1869. This long-standing structure was challenged in FDR’s notorious 1937 scheme.

Roosevelt’s true goal — despite language cleverly camouflaging it as an effort to streamline the court’s docket — was to dilute the power of some then-sitting justices who had declared unconstitutional a number of the president’s “New Deal” measures. In retaliation, FDR proposed adding one new justice to the court for every sitting justice who failed to leave the bench upon reaching the age of 70. Despite the president’s attempt to sugar-coat his proposal, enough senators from both political parties were sufficiently concerned with the move to “pack” the court, that it never emerged from the Judiciary Committee.

Even though the proposal never was signed into law, the threat to the integrity and independence of the nation’s highest court was clear; and its impact on the court’s sitting justices was immediate. In one key decision, announced less than one month after FDR unveiled his proposal, Associate Justice Owen Roberts became the fifth and deciding vote to uphold a minimum wage law reflective of New Deal principles, even though he had voted shortly before that to strike down a nearly identical law.

The brief now before the Supreme Court openly reflects Democratic anger over President Trump’s success in placing two constitutional conservatives on the Court — Kavanaugh and Neil Gorsuch. It also highlights the party’s deep hatred for the NRA and other conservative entities that support both the Second Amendment and these two most recent additions to the court.

In their brief, the senators assert that conservatives have single-handedly politicized the court, by urging in various public forums the confirmation of judges who share their philosophy on such public policy issues as gun control. Whitehouse and his colleagues see this as an egregious affront to the “independence” of the judicial branch, which must be stopped by any means, including a “restructuring” of the court.

The utter hypocrisy with which this absurd argument is made is patently obvious. Whitehouse lashes out at conservative organizations, such as the NRA and the Federalist Society that openly advocated for confirmation of Gorsuch and Kavanaugh, while glaringly ignoring the fact that liberal organizations like the ACLU and NARAL Pro-Choice America, advocate for confirmation of Supreme Court justices precisely as do those so vilified by Whitehouse.

If the Democratic Party were to regain a majority in the Senate, and if one of their own is elected president next year, they assuredly will move to make good on the threatened “restructuring” of the Supreme Court in their image, regardless of the hypocrisy and blatant political underpinnings. If permitted, this would be a gut punch to the essential structure of our constitutional republic.

Bob Barr (@BobBarr) represented Georgia in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1995 to 2003. He currently serves as president and CEO of the Law Enforcement Education Foundation.

August 21, 2019 0 comment
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The ‘Soft’ Racism of Gun Control

by Liberty Guard Author August 21, 2019
written by Liberty Guard Author

Townhall.com

by Bob Barr

The historically racist origins of gun control are hardly a topic for debate.  As noted by Cato Institute’s David Kopel, the matter of arming blacks in America was the subject of the infamous 1857 Dred Scott decision; with one Supreme Court justice warning about the rights of free blacks “to keep and carry arms wherever they went.” Kopel also notes that as a part of the Black Codes passed in the South during the early post-Civil War Reconstruction, free blacks were required to secure permission from police in order to carry firearms. 

From Harriet Tubman, who carried a pistol with her during the heroic rescues of slaves, to abolitionist Frederick Douglass, who quipped “a man’s rights rest in three boxes: the ballot box, the jury box, and the cartridge box” — there is perhaps no other group in American history whose members understand intimately the “right to self-preservation” embodied in the Second Amendment than black Americans. 

It is therefore more than a little curious as to why Democrats continue to push gun control measures that are inherently, historically, and intentionally designed to disenfranchise minority groups from their Second Amendment rights.

In spite of a downward trend of gun violence in America, even as gun ownership soars, Democrats contend there is both an “epidemic” of gun violence sweeping the country, and that access to firearms is the culprit. This mindset guides virtually every part of the Democrats’ gun control agenda; with no apparent regard to who actually is or will be impacted the most by their plans. 

Carried to its natural end, the philosophy of gun control virtually ensures the only people left with firearms in a Democrat-controlled America are cops, affluent whites, and criminals. 

Perhaps street crime and police response times are not concerns for rich liberals hiding behind privacy fences in gated communities with private, armed security guards (can you say, “Silicon Valley?”); but for millions of Americans in urban areas ravaged by gangs and crime, firearm ownership is literally a matter of life and death. 

One underpinning gun control strategy favored most by Democrats centers around price control; wherein regulatory measures squeeze both supply and the cost of production of firearms, making them cost-prohibitive to acquire and possess. 

Schemes such as removing the legal shield that protects firearm manufactures and retailers from lawsuits resulting from criminal acts by end users, and resurrecting the Obama-era tactic of employing the FDIC to bully banks into not doing business with firearms retailers and manufacturers, are measures intended to dry up the lawful gun industry.  

However, the actual and ultimate victims of such measures are not big businesses, but individual, law-abiding men and women whose ability to protect themselves, their families, their homes, and their small businesses will be made increasingly difficult. 

We see this strategy already playing out in municipalities controlled by liberal officials.  Even where technically lawful to carry a firearm, such officials delight in making firearm licensing exorbitantly expensive and time-consuming.  Overly complicated testing mandates are coupled with multiple in-person filing requirements available only during regular business hours. Such measures require significant time and effort to pursue — luxuries largely unavailable to the working poor and middle-class workers. 

One of the latest proposals gaining popularity among the Democratic presidential field is to mandate that gun owners carry firearms liability insurance; another side-door tax on a constitutionally-guaranteed right.

This “death by a thousand cuts” has now become gun confiscation by a thousand regulations; with its earliest and most numerous victims being the poor and “marginalized” citizenry these very Democrat bleeding hearts claim to champion.   

Democrats long have vigorously opposed every effort by Republicans to require voter identification as a prerequisite to exercising one’s right to vote.  Liberals assert such mandates intentionally “suppress” the minority vote.  Yet, those very same civil rights champions have no hesitancy in pressing for measures that would seriously suppress the ability of minority and poorer citizens to exercise another precious right; one that is expressly guaranteed against such suppression in the Bill of Rights.  Their hypocrisy is disgraceful.

August 21, 2019 0 comment
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If Democrats Win 2020, Expect Them To Dismantle ‘Sick’ Supreme Court

by Liberty Guard Author August 19, 2019
written by Liberty Guard Author

The Daily Caller

by Bob Barr

Senate Democrats are still seething over the Republican majority’s refusal in 2016 to schedule a vote on President Obama’s Supreme Court nominee, Merrick Garland. Democratic senators now are brazenly threatening to “restructure” the Supreme Court, in an eerie replication of FDR’s effort to “pack” the High Court following his 1936 reelection.

Democratic senators filed a “friend-of-the-court” brief this month in support of New York City’s draconian gun control policies, and used it to undermine the legitimacy of the court. “The Supreme Court is not well. And the people know it. Perhaps the court can heal itself before the public demands it be ‘restructured in order to reduce the influence of politics.’ Particularly on the urgent issue of gun control, a nation desperately needs it to heal,” the group wrote.

The five Democratic senators who signed onto the Supreme Court brief, led by Rhode Island’s Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse, proposed changing the very structure of the Supreme Court in order to better insulate it from “political” pressures that do not fit their policy preferences.

While this approach is subtler than the party’s vicious attacks on Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh, it is far more sinister.

While the Constitution mandates that there be “one Supreme Court,” with each justice holding what is in effect lifetime tenure, the number of justices on the court has by law been set at nine since 1869. This long-standing structure was challenged in FDR’s notorious 1937 scheme.

Roosevelt’s true goal — despite language cleverly camouflaging it as an effort to streamline the court’s docket — was to dilute the power of some then-sitting justices who had declared unconstitutional a number of the president’s “New Deal” measures. In retaliation, FDR proposed adding one new justice to the court for every sitting justice who failed to leave the bench upon reaching the age of 70. Despite the president’s attempt to sugar-coat his proposal, enough senators from both political parties were sufficiently concerned with the move to “pack” the court, that it never emerged from the Judiciary Committee.

Even though the proposal never was signed into law, the threat to the integrity and independence of the nation’s highest court was clear; and its impact on the court’s sitting justices was immediate. In one key decision, announced less than one month after FDR unveiled his proposal, Associate Justice Owen Roberts became the fifth and deciding vote to uphold a minimum wage law reflective of New Deal principles, even though he had voted shortly before that to strike down a nearly identical law.

The brief now before the Supreme Court openly reflects Democratic anger over President Trump’s success in placing two constitutional conservatives on the Court — Kavanaugh and Neil Gorsuch. It also highlights the party’s deep hatred for the NRA and other conservative entities that support both the Second Amendment and these two most recent additions to the court.

In their brief, the senators assert that conservatives have single-handedly politicized the court, by urging in various public forums the confirmation of judges who share their philosophy on such public policy issues as gun control. Whitehouse and his colleagues see this as an egregious affront to the “independence” of the judicial branch, which must be stopped by any means, including a “restructuring” of the court.

The utter hypocrisy with which this absurd argument is made is patently obvious. Whitehouse lashes out at conservative organizations, such as the NRA and the Federalist Society that openly advocated for confirmation of Gorsuch and Kavanaugh, while glaringly ignoring the fact that liberal organizations like the ACLU and NARAL Pro-Choice America, advocate for confirmation of Supreme Court justices precisely as do those so vilified by Whitehouse.

If the Democratic Party were to regain a majority in the Senate, and if one of their own is elected president next year, they assuredly will move to make good on the threatened “restructuring” of the Supreme Court in their image, regardless of the hypocrisy and blatant political underpinnings. If permitted, this would be a gut punch to the essential structure of our constitutional republic.

Bob Barr (@BobBarr) represented Georgia in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1995 to 2003. He currently serves as president and CEO of the Law Enforcement Education Foundation.

August 19, 2019 0 comment
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Congressional GOP Misses The Mark With Gun Confiscation Proposal

by Liberty Guard Author August 14, 2019
written by Liberty Guard Author

Congressional GOP Misses The Mark With Gun Confiscation Proposal
By Bob Barr
Monday, August 12, 2019
The Daily Caller

Some Republicans in Congress are seeking to pass a “red flag law,” which would grant law enforcement to do what legal precedent has rarely permitted — forcefully enter homes and confiscate lawful firearms without any evidence of a crime.

The effort is being led by members such as Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) and Rep. Adam Kinzinger (R-Ill.). Beyond the bite such a law would take out of the Fourth Amendment’s protection against unreasonable search and seizure, it would permit the government to override both the Second Amendment​ — which guarantees the right to possess a firearm ​— and the​ 14th Amendment, which requires the government to provide “due process” based on “equal protection” before it may take a person’s property or otherwise abridge their fundamental rights.

The trigger for such confiscatory power is not that the person committed a crime with a firearm; but rather that someone fears he or she might do so. This is, of course, a legitimate concern, but one that must not cavalierly be cast into law.

Any reasoned view of responsible government recognizes that there will be times law enforcement should act to prevent a crime from occurring, especially one likely to cause harm or death. The question is how and under what circumstances the government may so intervene. If we are to remain a nation “of laws not of men,” preventive government action always must be consistent with and not undermine existing constitutional provisions; including the Second, Fourth, 14th Amendments, and others.

Many of the 17 state-level red flag laws have been adopted since the February 2018 Parkland, Florida mass shooting; all are constitutionally defective to one degree or another. Many permit non-law enforcement individuals to apply for and obtain a gun confiscation order, and some are so permissive as to allow an order to issue based on evidence offered by telephone. All permit the granting of an order without opportunity for the targeted individual opportunity to be heard — otherwise normal “due process.”

Insofar as all such laws are designed to allow courts to issue confiscatory orders in situations involving “extreme risk,” a threshold inquiry should be whether the standard by which such orders are measured meets constitutional muster — in other words, precise and clear to individuals who might be affected. In the opinion of noted constitutional law expert Jacob Sullum, the standard underpinning all such laws are deeply suspect; ranging from “anybody’s guess” to “inherently vague.”

While most of these laws were adopted in the aftermath of the Parkland shooting, and more are being actively considered now in the wake of the El Paso and Dayton shootings, legitimate concerns have been raised about whether such laws are even necessary or, alternatively, whether they would have prevented the most recent mass murders.

As to the first question, considering the significant evidence that already had been available to law enforcement officials at the state, local and federal level that the Parkland shooter posed an imminent risk, and that firearms laws already likely had been violated, the answer must be that existing laws provided sufficient basis on which authorities legally could have taken steps to stop him. With regard to the question involving the more recent tragedies, evidence seems to support the premise that evidence available at the time would not have been sufficient to stop the murderous rampages.

If a red flag law like the one under consideration likely would not have prevented recent mass shootings, and is in fact unnecessary considering the robust powers already available to government, why then should we support it, considering the many ways such laws undermine constitutional protections? That is by far the most important question, and it is being afforded far too little consideration by state and federal officials.

Bob Barr represented Georgia in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1995 to 2003. He currently serves as president and CEO of the https://laweef.org/.

August 14, 2019 0 comment
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BlogFrom the Desk of Bob BarrLiberty Updates

Stop Giving Democrats a Free Pass on Denouncing Extremist Violence

by Liberty Guard Author August 14, 2019
written by Liberty Guard Author

Townhall.com
By Bob Barr
Wednesday, August 14, 2019

Last week I wrote about the speech America needs to hear from President Donald Trump, specifically, a forceful and unequivocal denunciation of extremism, including calling out those who camouflage their noxious racism behind the façade of support for the President or the GOP. It is high time the Democratic Party does the same, for its leaders to clearly, publicly, and expressly disavow extremism on the Left.

For too long, Democratic political leaders – including the many currently vying for their party’s 2020 nomination – have been allowed to address the violence infecting contemporary American society by not addressing it, and piously pointing the finger of blame at Trump.

While Trump’s signature direct and thinly varnished rhetoric makes it easy for his critics to pin blame on him for misdeeds of others, such a simplistic and deliberately biased assessment misses the point entirely. Deeply divisive and dangerous forces have been eating away at the foundations of civil discourse in our country long before January 20, 2017.

It is disingenuous in the extreme for Democrats to absolve themselves of any liability for this downward trajectory of civility. As with alcoholics seeking to recover, a willingness to admit the problem exists is the essential first step to recovery; in its absence the underlying problem – whether alcoholism or violence – simply worsens. This is the stage at which the Democrats find themselves now, as the party decides whether or not to recognize that it, too, is blameworthy for the violent wreckage that has become political discourse in America.

The New York Post described Connor Betts, the Dayton shooter, as perhaps “Antifa’s first mass killer.” Before his murder spree, Betts praised Antifa, appears to have hated Christians, and even once reached out on Twitter to a socialist gun group.  He was a radical Left extremist, even if we do not yet know the specific motive(s) for his rampage. While he may be the first Leftist mass killer in the age of Antifa, to label him the “wake up call” for Democrats, lets them off the hook for ignoring numerous other instances of Leftist violence.

In 2012, a man attempted to kill members of the Family Research Council after the Southern Poverty Law Center listed the organization on a “hate map” because of its stance on gay marriage. In 2017, a man who clearly hated Republicans opened fire on GOP members of Congress practicing for a congressional softball game, nearly killing Rep. Steve Scalise. Just last month, shortly after Antifa thugs attacked and injured journalist Andy Ngo in Portland, Oregon, a man was fatally shot trying to attack an ICE detention center with incendiary devices.

These examples but scratch the surface of politically motivated, extremist violence in cities across America. Even sporting a red “Make America Great Again” hat now prompts attacks by seething liberals.

Still, Democrats continue to ignore a problem the rest of us can plainly see. Perhaps they fear not appearing sufficiently “progressive” were they to denounce groups like Antifa; some may quietly agree with Antifa’s actions. What is clear, is that the Democratic Party has no apparent interest to genuinely address the extremism that is shaking our society by the throat. Were it otherwise – if Democratic leaders truly were interested in rehabilitating political discourse – its leaders would stop wagging their collective finger at Trump, and instead denounce all forms of violence and extremism, whether of the Left or the Right, and rein in their own Party’s rhetoric.

Every political issue is not and should not be characterized as an existential threat to America or to any particular group. Disagreement over policies to address major issues – whether health care or global warming – need not be clothed in the dire rhetoric that “people will die” if the other party’s policies are implemented. It is that extremist rhetoric, perhaps even more than the mean-spirited rants of a Maxine Waters to “get in the face” of those with whom you disagree, that raises the toxicity level of politics in this 21st Century.

When virtually every political issue is presented – even on the floor of the United States Senate – in the starkest of terms foreshadowing doom and death, is it any wonder that deranged individuals hear that message, then carry out their own extremist solution in their little corner of the world?

August 14, 2019 0 comment
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