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Monthly Archives

December 2019

Blog

New York Knife Attack Shows The Consequence Of Government Disarming Citizens

by Liberty Guard Author December 30, 2019
written by Liberty Guard Author

The Daily Caller

by Bob Barr

An attack by a knife-wielding assailant Saturday night at the home of a rabbi in Monsey, New York — a normally quiet community just north of New York City – left five individuals injured, two critically.

While Gov. Andrew Cuomo and New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio took to the media to condemn the attack, they failed to mention how difficult it is in the Empire State, especially in the New York City metropolitan area, for citizens to arm themselves in their own homes to defend against such vicious attacks.

The attacker was arrested shortly after the late evening attack, but his motive remains unclear. However, the location and timing of the attack — during a Hanukkah celebration at the home of a well-known rabbi right next door to the orthodox congregation he leads — lends credence to early assessment that it was yet another in a recent spate of anti-Semitic attacks in and around the Big Apple. The county in which the rabbi’s home is located — Rockland County — is home to the largest per capita population of Jews in the entire country.

During an appearance Sunday at the site of the attack, Cuomo labeled it “domestic terrorism” and vowed to “strengthen” New York’s state laws to prosecute such acts; notwithstanding such laws already being among the most robust in the nation. New York’s Attorney General, Letitia James, declared herself “deeply disturbed” by the attack. Democrat presidential candidate Julian Castro, a vocal gun control advocate who regularly blisters the NRA for expressing its “thoughts and prayers” for victims of mass shootings, declared on social media that his “thoughts are with the Jewish community.” Calls for increased police presence were common.

The most shamelessly partisan response came from de Blasio. In a Sunday interview on Fox News, the mayor bloviated at length about homelessness as a relevant factor in assessing the knife attack. Hizzoner expressly intimated that President Trump bore at least some responsibility for the attack, because of the Administration’s failure to adequately fund programs to reduce homelessness.

None of these, or other political leaders weighing in on the incident, however, touched on the elephant in the room: the difficulty New Yorkers — especially those in communities like Rockland within the New York City metropolitan area — face if they want to have a handgun at home to defend against armed individuals breaking in.

In Rockland County, the process to which residents must submit to lawfully possess a handgun in their own residence is expensive, cumbersome and lengthy.

An applicant for a pistol permit must pay an initial fee of $150 and submit an application that is neither “soiled” nor “folded,” and which contains among other requirements, character references from other Rockland County residents who are not related by blood or marriage, along with notarized forms from other household members asserting that they are okay with the applicant possessing a pistol; certification that he or she has completed a County administered firearms safety course; and several information release authorizations so the authorities are able to access and assess the applicant’s legal, mental and medical suitability to have a pistol in their home for self-defense.

All this, of course, is in addition to federal law that makes it unlawful for anyone prohibited under federal law from possessing a firearm anywhere, including in the state of New York.

In 2010, the U.S. Supreme Court declared it constitutionally impermissible for any state to prohibit an individual from possessing a firearm inside their home. In the past nine years, however, states like New York and counties like Rockland have imposed or continued to enforce numerous regulatory mandates making it extremely difficult, often close to impossible, for individuals to obtain a “license” to do nothing more than what our Bill of Rights reflects as the most fundamental of all God-given rights — that of self-defense.

No matter how much money the government provides for “homelessness,” and no matter how many law enforcement officers Cuomo or de Blasio direct to crime-ridden neighborhoods, so long as they are permitted to erect barriers preventing citizens from protecting themselves and others within their homes with a firearm, tragedies such as the one in Rockland County will continue to plague us.

Bob Barr (http://www.twitter.com/BobBarr) represented Georgia in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1995 to 2003. He currently serves as president and CEO of the https://laweef.org/.

December 30, 2019 0 comment
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Virginia, Birthplace of Our Liberty, Now Governed By Gun Control Tyrants

by Liberty Guard Author December 25, 2019
written by Liberty Guard Author

Townhall.com

by Bob Barr

Virginia is the birthplace of America’s independence and the state that gave us such towering patriots as Patrick Henry, George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, and James Madison. Today, however, the Commonwealth is home to a governor and legislative majority that proposes to do what the British Crown never could: disarm the citizenry by force. 

When reporting on parts of Virginia Gov. Ralph Northam’s proposals for gun control first broke over the summer, the barely believable extremism could easily have been mistaken as fake news.  Now, after the November election which gave Democrat Northam majorities in both houses of the state legislature, it is clear the former practicing physician is deadly serious in targeting not only gun owners and retailers but even self-defense experts. 

His objectives are sweeping, and include among other measures, bans on so-called “assault weapons,” high capacity magazines, and suppressors; universal background checks; handgun purchasing limits; a “red flag” law; and a ban on any self-defense classes that conceivably could be construed as hostile to government interests. 

“Assault rifles” would be redefined to that of the discredited 1994 Federal Assault Weapons Ban; a cosmetically driven definition that makes illegal common sporting rifles enjoyed by millions of law-abiding Americans, simply because they “look mean.”  Shotguns and pistols with similar accessory feature likewise would be banned under the proposed legislation. Furthermore, the bills would also ban sound suppressors, a crucial safety device for home defense, along with magazines that have a capacity greater than the arbitrary 10 rounds long favored by gun control advocates.

The legislation filed in June, expanded this fall, and now being readied for the new legislature to be sworn in next month contains stiff penalties for violations. Possession, sale, or transfer of a banned firearm would be a Class 6 felony, punishable by up to five years in prison and/or a $2,500 fine. The possession, sale or transfer of banned high capacity magazines would carry a similar fine and up to 12-months in prison.

Initially, the legislation set a window of one year for citizens to sell, destroy, or surrender what would become illegal firearms and accessories, or be subjected to criminal prosecution. The updated legislation filed last month, however, lacks this amnesty window, making the possession of these items immediately illegal upon the measure being signed into law.  This is ex post facto confiscation whether Northam and his cohorts call it so or not.  It is as gross an affront to the Bill of Rights drafted by Madison and made a part of our Constitution in 1791, as any since the infamous, and thankfully short-lived Alien and Sedition Acts signed in 1798.

In response to early public backlash, Northam said recently the pending legislation would include a “grandfather” clause allowing Virginians to keep what they already own (how generous!). This “concession” not only undercuts the purported “public safety” urgency rationale of the ban but is in direct contrast to what already has been proposed. Virginia gun owners would be foolish to believe such promises so facilely mouthed by Northam.   

Moreover, the Governor’s “grandfather” clause comes with strings attached; including the requirement to register the to-be-banned items with the state.  Such a listing would expose gun owners to serious privacy incursions by state officials, and abusive Freedom of Information Act requests by anti-gun activists meant to shame firearm owners and put them in direct harm of harassment and theft. A registry also ensures these would be the first individuals to have law enforcement knocking down their doors when the inevitable forced confiscation finally comes, or a “red flag protective” order issued. 

Even more chilling is the suggestion made last week by State Rep. Donald McEachin that Northam may need to activate the Virginia National Guard to enforce the law, as a result of the growing number of counties and municipalities that have declared themselves to be “gun sanctuaries,” where unconstitutional gun control laws will not be enforced by local police. While Northam did not admit openly this was an option, he did say that “there are going to be consequences” if the law is not enforced, but that he will “cross that bridge if and when we get to it.” With some 90 percent of Virginia counties already declaring themselves to be such sanctuaries, it appears Northam may be at that bridge now. 

If measures such as these actually are signed into law, the Commonwealth’s motto, sic semper tyrannis, would need to be changed to the more accurate, detrahere arma —“to disarm”

December 25, 2019 0 comment
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The Fed Overreaches With Real-Time Payment Systems

by Liberty Guard Author December 18, 2019
written by Liberty Guard Author

The Fed Overreaches With Real-Time Payment Systems

The Daily Caller

By Bob Barr

December 16, 20197:00 AM ET

As a former member of Congress who served eight years on the Financial Services Committee, I have long been concerned with the lack of transparency and unchecked authority enjoyed by the Federal Reserve System, when it comes to the manner by which it “manages” our nation’s financial system. The “Fed” was created by statute more than a century ago and has become the de facto “Central Bank of the United States,” largely immune from the checks and balances that to a large degree keep Congress and presidents accountable to voters.

This never has been a healthy state of affairs, and if anything, may be worsening.

In what is an admission both startling and frightening in its implications, in recent congressional testimony the Fed as much as admitted its decisions have in fact damaged our economy. Earlier this month, the Fed testified before Congress that its poor oversight and supervisory practices over the banking industry were a likely reason the Fed found it necessary to provide market liquidity for the first time since the financial crisis a decade ago.

Fed Vice Chair Randal Quarles, appearing before the House Financial Services Committee said, “We have identified some areas where our existing supervision of the regulatory framework … may have created some incentives that were contributors.” He admitted to lawmakers that decisions by the Fed, “were probably not the decisive contributors, but they were contributors, and I think we need to examine them.” If history is any guide, the rest of us should best not hold our breath waiting for the Fed to actually do something.

The concern here is not one that should be viewed through the partisan lens by which virtually every issue coming before today’s Congress is considered.

The nonpartisan Government Accountability Office recently concluded that some of the Fed’s self-styled “guidance” actually is “designed to implement, interpret, or prescribe law or policy.” Stripped of its veneer of bureaucratese, the GAO has put its finger on a serious problem – the Federal Reserve is inventing its own rules. And in so doing, extending even further its power over the financial sector.

A perfect example of this type of power grab is a plan by the Fed to create a national “real-time payment system.” In financial parlance, “real-time payments” refers to banking actions that allow for financial transactions to be processed immediately, rather than the next business day as has been the practice for decades. The private banking sector – actually following earlier Fed directive – has been busy over the past biennium implementing an RTP system, which is anticipated to connect 100 percent of banking transactions by the end of this year.

Rather than simply let the private banking sector continue to implement a workable, market-based real-time payment system, the Fed, on its own and contrary to federal law, is inserting itself arrogantly into this process – moving not to compete with, but to override private sector initiatives.

As the Competitive Enterprise Institute has pointed out, the 1980 Monetary Control Act provides that the Fed may launch its own payment services only if “the service is one that other providers alone cannot be expected to provide with reasonable effectiveness, scope, and equity.”

Clearly, the private banking sector is providing an effective, fair and comprehensive real-time payment system. Yet, despite being explicitly prohibited from overriding that process, the Fed continues moving forward with its own RTP initiative. When Congress questioned this action, the Fed simply has refused to answer whether it will ensure its RTP system will be fully interoperable with that of the private sector.

Here again, when the fog is waved away, this is yet another ploy by the Fed to bulldoze the private sector and create a monopoly for itself. It can do this thanks to the power it wields to “manage” the nation’s economy and finances by forcing private sector financial institutions to play only by its rules.

Efficiency and innovation – characteristics of the private sector but rarely the government – will be the victims if the Fed is permitted to force its own, one-size-fits-all real-time payment system onto all federally-regulated financial institutions. It is important that the Congress step up and do what it rarely does – engage the Fed in meaningful oversight and follow up. This should be something on which Democrats and Republicans can agree, even if for different reasons.

Bob Barr represented Georgia in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1995 to 2003. He currently serves as president and CEO of the https://laweef.org/.

December 18, 2019 0 comment
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Trump Should Mount a Vigorous Defense in Senate Trial

by Liberty Guard Author December 17, 2019
written by Liberty Guard Author

Townhall.com

by Bob Barr

Now that the House is set to impeach President Trump for what its Nadler-led Judiciary Committee decided were “impeachable offenses,” it is time to consider what will or, more important, should happen in a Senate trial.  In my view, no matter the utter lack of substance in the articles of impeachment certain to be approved by the House this week, the president should prepare to mount a vigorous defense and Senate Republican leaders should assist, not impede him.

As an Impeachment Manager in the 1999 trial of former President Clinton, I learned very early that an impeachment trial in the Senate has little in common with “normal” trials that take place daily in federal and state courtrooms according to well-established rules of procedure.  

Each and every impeachment that crosses the Capitol Rotunda from the House to the Senate, comes without any pre-existing rules of procedure for the trial, whether for a federal judge or a president of the United States. The Senate must adopt by simple majority vote unique rules for the conduct of each and every impeachment trial, including whether to allow live witnesses to testify and the scope of evidence to be admitted. These are extremely important tactical decisions and Majority Leader Mitch McConnell must not allow Minority Leader Chuck Schumer to massage them into pablum. 

It is important the president keep these procedural nuances in mind as he decides who will represent him in the upcoming trial, and what strategy to pursue.

The situation will be very different from the one Clinton faced two decades ago. In January 1999, the Democrat president confronted a Republican-led Senate. Yet, even in those circumstances, the Senate adopted procedures for Clinton’s trial that severely handicapped the ability of the House Impeachment Managers (including myself) to prosecute the case against him – allowing no live witnesses and severely restricting the evidence that could be presented.  

The restrictive rules under which we were forced to proceed in January and February 1999, reflected the fact that the Senate – even under Republican control – had no stomach for an impeachment trial, notwithstanding the strong evidence developed by the Independent Counsel’s Office and the House Judiciary Committee that Clinton clearly had violated federal criminal laws against perjury and obstruction of justice.

Now, 21 years later, a Republican president will face a Senate majority of his own party. Trump would be well-advised not to presume the GOP-controlled Senate will necessarily protect his interests in establishing the parameters for his trial. It is Trump’s future that will be on the line there, not that of any Senator and the forum in which he defends that legacy must be one that allows him to present as broad a defense as he desires.  

Unlike the substantive articles on which Clinton was impeached, those presented by the House Judiciary Committee against Trump are astounding in their weakness. They lack even the pretense of substance, relying on the vaguest notions of “abuse of office” and “obstruction of Congress.” Thrown into the mix at the last minute by the Judiciary Committee in its report, are bizarre charges that the president is a “threat to national security” and that he “betrayed the nation.” Rather than strengthen the already weak case developed by the Judiciary Committee (and the Intelligence Committee before it), such hyperbole simply confirms that the report is nothing but a political hit job.

With this background, the only substantive record with which the Senate, the American people, and history will be able to fairly judge President Trump, will be that presented publicly in the Senate trial. In fairness to the president and to that history, this must include live witness testimony, including from the so-called whistleblower, along with any others the president desires. This is the only way for him to place into full and fair context all that body of evidence the House Democrat majority chose to ignore.

To present that defense, Trump must have a legal team chosen by him and for him — strong, single-minded individuals dedicated to vindicating him completely, and savvy as to the Senators who will determine his constitutional fate. Members of the team should possess a variety of skills but be fully complementary. Some of those members may already be working with Trump, others not yet, but each and every one must be mindful that they will be defending not only a president unjustly accused, but a Constitution deeply damaged in the rush to judgment by House Democrats.

December 17, 2019 0 comment
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Trump’s Labor Department Should Let Big Tech Off The Hook For Obama-Era Offenses

by Liberty Guard Author December 11, 2019
written by Liberty Guard Author

Trump’s Labor Department Should Let Big Tech Off The Hook For Obama-Era Offenses

The Daily Caller

By Bob Barr

December 09, 20199:45 AM ET

The Trump administration has performed admirably in reducing the regulatory red tape that has strangled American businesses and limited our country’s competitiveness. But for reasons not entirely clear, the Department of Labor has lagged behind other agencies in this regard.

One clear example is the way the department’s Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs (OFCCP) has continued unnecessary and counterproductive Obama-era litigation against tech companies for alleged discriminatory wage and hiring practices.

To some extent, the Labor Department’s hesitancy to retreat from a series of lawsuits against Google, Oracle, and other tech giants initiated by the prior administration can be explained by President Trump’s first Labor Secretary Alex Acosta’s cozy relationship with the Washington establishment. Thankfully, Acosta’s replacement, Eugene Scalia, son of former Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia, who took over the reins at the sprawling bureaucracy at the end of September, is no friend of the nanny state.

OFCCP is the Great Society-era agency established to ensure private companies that contract with Uncle Sam do so without discriminatory hiring, employment or wage practices. Over the decades, this agency has taken steps to reform federal contracting policies in this regard. But its overall record has been mixed, especially in recent years.

In a 2017 study, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce agreed that the OFCCP’s mission to ensure discriminatory-free practices by corporate partners was “worthy.” At the same time, however, the report set forth in extensive detail that the OFCCP in recent years had become enamored of faulty, statistics-based challenges to companies engaged in federal contracts and had repeatedly abused its powerful remedy of threatening to debar companies alleged to engage in statistical discrimination.

A number of lawsuits reflecting this abusive approach to regulatory enforcement were filed against large tech companies in the waning months of the Obama administration. Palantir Technologies was hit with a federal lawsuit in September 2016; alleging it had engaged in unlawful hiring practices. This was followed three months later, in early January 2017, when the Department of Labor sued Google and then, just two days before President Trump was sworn in, Oracle.

In these cases, and others, the Labor Department’s contract compliance arm appears to have relied on raw statistical evidence that the companies discriminated in hiring and wage policies. This is a flawed legal strategy that fails to consider the myriad other relevant and legitimate factors employed by companies — especially those as large as Google or Oracle — in evaluating applicants and employees for jobs and wages.

Additionally, the OFCCP has a habit of hitting targeted companies with unreasonable and hugely expensive document requests, and consistently refusing to engage in good-faith efforts to resolve disagreements short of protracted litigation.

Despite risking regulatory retaliation by the government, one company being challenged by OFCCP — Oracle — has gone on the offense. Just last month, for example, the company sued the Labor Department in federal court; alleging the OFCCP was engaged in long-running abuse of its powers, to such a degree that the company’s constitutional rights had been violated.

That a company would be forced into taking such a drastic and potentially costly measure, demonstrates how far OFCCP and its parent Department have strayed from the declared goal of working with private companies doing business with the federal government to ensure non-discrimination in corporate practices. Its litigation-based strategy illustrates that the Labor Department instead has become — like many federal agencies — a regulatory bully searching for ways to punish companies.

The agency’s new director, Craig Leen, who has ties to former Acosta, has sent the corporate world mixed signals in this regard. In congressional testimony just three months ago, on Sept. 19, Leen indicated in broad terms support for transparent and cooperative enforcement policies. At the same time, however, he praised the use of “statistical analyses” as a legal tool to establish “proof of a pattern or practice of discrimination.”

Hopefully, Leen’s two bosses — Donald Trump and Eugene Scalia — will step in and make sure that the small but powerful agency he heads gets on board the administration’s drive to actually reduce federal regulatory burdens, and ensure compliance with the law and our Constitution in a manner far more fair and productive than has been the case in recent years.

Bob Barr represented Georgia in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1995 to 2003. He currently serves as president and CEO of the LEEF.

December 11, 2019 0 comment
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A Snowflake’s Christmas Story

by Liberty Guard Author December 11, 2019
written by Liberty Guard Author

DECEMBER 11, 2019
A Snowflake’s Christmas Story
Bob Barr
12/11/2019 12:01:00 AM – Bob Barr


In the 36-years since Bob Clark’s A Christmas Story first appeared on the big screen, the movie has become as much a part of the Christmas season as Santa himself. More than just a charming holiday movie, A Christmas Story captures a time in America where kids could be kids; free to roam, daydream, tussle, and yes, even nearly lose an eye, without them (or their parents) being thrown into handcuffs or hauled in front of a family court magistrate. But no longer.

Today’s child-rearing environment, dominated by a combination of helicopter parents and overzealous nanny staters, allows no such freedom or independence for kids. From the earliest ages, today’s children are thrust into government-run schools where they’re put through horrific “school shooting drills.” They are told global warming will render the planet unhabitable by the time they reach adulthood. And, as for burning off this nervous energy? Not a chance. Recess, if not already eliminated, has dwindled in many school districts to just 15 minutes of rigidly structured time, with traditional games like tag and dodgeball banned for being “too mean.”

Of course, today’s snowflake culture does not get any easier for kids outside the school walls. Killjoy government officials have literally made trick-or-treating a crime for kids over a certain age, and similarly have outlawed throwing snowballs. Even make believe is potentially a criminal act in public. Recently, one Minnesota child was arrested and charged with disorderly conduct for his fantasy adventures in a park, when busybody citizens caused a stir online with irrational panic about a “masked predator.” The adult idiocy prompted police to investigate; and instead of dismissing the charges as a patently absurd reaction of adults to the imagination of a shy child, the judge gave him 10 hours of chores.

One must ask to what end this snowflake culture serves? Who are they protecting when playing in the woods results in an expensive and traumatizing legal mishap, or a snowball fight among friends can land kids in jail? The helicopter parents’ and nanny staters’ obsession with a one-size-fits-all prototype for how all children should act, is breaking children in order to fit them into this mold, and punishing them with adult-size penalties when they rebel.

Children today are suspended from school for making finger guns on the playground. In this environment, little Ralphie Parker’s boyhood fascination with the Red Ryder air rifle would not only have him expelled, but also pumped full of Adderall and enrolled in mandated counseling to work out his violent, “toxic masculinity.”

There is some small relief in seeing that some adults are raising the alarm about the extreme emotional trauma caused by this asinine behavior; questioning the long-term harm of mass shooting drills or telling kids the world is going to end if they don’t skip school to protest Republicans. But what about the rest of the rules, regulations, and processes designed to inhibit the natural behaviors of adolescence? Do these people really think there won’t be long-term consequences to this artificial, and largely politically motivated behavior manipulation? Or is that precisely their goal?

Confounding in stupidity as these examples may be, it is frightening to think they represent only those events actually making the news; meaning, they barely scratch the surface of a much broader and deeper social trend. And, while some of us may guffaw at the failures of parents, police and government officials in the anecdotal stories at hand, connecting the dots among them creates a disturbing picture of an American society losing its quintessential grit in favor of some warped utopia of adolescence in America. Aldous Huxley’s dystopian novel Brave New World seems to have arrived at last, 87 years after its publication.

Is it any wonder millennial adults today are utterly incapable of surviving in a workplace that does not offer them constant validation and safe spaces? In freeing them of any supposed emotional or physical “danger” during early adulthood and adolescence, they fail to develop natural defenses to challenges and unpleasantness that life presents to all of us. They are destined to go through life like Ralphie’s little brother, Randy; bundled from head to toe, and barely able to move with the layers of protection wrapped around them.

In today’s society, snowflakes would never allow the Parkers to survive. They would rather see Ralphie dragged to Drag Queen Story Hour than allowed to spend his time playfighting Black Bart in the back yard. Ralphie’s dad – whose prized possession was a ridiculous, schlocky lamp in the shape of a stocking-covered female leg – would find himself vilified by the #metoo movement and run out of town.

If produced according to today’s insipid snowflake criteria, A Christmas Story would be a complete bore; robbed of all the magic and joy that made it a timeless holiday staple. Which, come to think of it, is exactly what snowflakes are doing with real childhood.

December 11, 2019 0 comment
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We Cannot Rely Solely on the Courts to Save the Second Amendment

by Liberty Guard Author December 4, 2019
written by Liberty Guard Author

Townhall.com

by Bob Barr

For the first time in nearly a decade, the United States Supreme Court heard oral arguments on a case directly involving the Second Amendment. Not since McDonald v. Chicago in 2010 has the High Court taken up a gun rights case, despite several opportunities to further clarify its landmark decisions in that case and the Heller opinion two years earlier. Conservatives, however, would be well advised to hold off uncorking the champagne bottles. 

While the case at hand, New York State Rifle & Pistol Association Inc. v. City of New York, New York, appears ripe for a favorable ruling especially as the Court has shifted to the right since 2010, such an outcome must first overcome several hurdles.  Most important is the question of whether the Court will even issue a ruling now that New York has struck the offending law from the books, arguably making the case moot, and thereby sidestepping any strengthening of the McDonald and Heller rulings. 

Before the City’s clever move repealing the law, it prohibited licensed gun owners from transporting an unloaded and stowed firearm from the home to ranges or dwellings outside the city limits. Conservatives, however, point to troublesome remnants of the revamped ordinance as reasons for a definitive ruling from the Supreme Court. Also problematic is the fact that the City could reinstate the statute as quickly as it earlier repealed it.

The nuanced and highly specific nature of the case also makes it less likely that the Court, even if it were to issue a ruling, would hand down the broad support for gun rights that Heller and McDonald failed to deliver. Instead, like those two cases, it is just as likely that this most recent case would follow similarly narrow lines and leave for another day the many unanswered questions about restrictive gun control schemes in the post-Heller environment; and, potentially, to a very different Court.  

It is this last point that understandably has left conservatives frustrated. Opportunities to clarify its last two landmark but still narrowly tailored Second Amendment decisions, have been many; yet the Court consistently has demurred.  This hesitancy prompted Justice Clarence Thomas to take the Court to task for such missed chances. In his 2017 dissent when the majority refused to accept for decision Peruta v. California, a perfect case involving the issue of firearms for self-defense in public, Thomas wrote, “even if other Members of the Court do not agree that the Second Amendment likely protects a right to public carry, the time has come for the Court to answer this important question definitively”; adding that he saw “no reason to await another case.”

Nevertheless, the Court waited – as do we all.

The Court’s reticence on definitively affirming the practical effects of the Heller ruling, coupled with its general reluctance to expand further than the immediate merits of any new case, and disappointing leadership from other conservatives on the bench, are reasons why Republicans should not be overly eager to pin their hopes on the Supreme Court this time or in the future to save the Second Amendment. 

Instead, conservatives should do what they have been successful at in the past; that is, winning at the ballot box and stopping disastrous gun control proposals at the state and local levels before they ever make it onto the statute books. There is no need to continuously fight costly uphill battles through the court system if Republicans can win legislatively; but this, too, is becoming more difficult.

The GOP’s feckless approach of late in defense of gun rights, has made Republicans vulnerable to devastating electoral losses, as in Virginia last month.  Equally debilitating has been the embrace of certain gun control schemes as a way of appeasing anti-gun activists. Support for so-called “universal background checks” and “red flag laws” by Republican Senators like Florida’s Marco Rubio or Pennsylvania’s Pat Toomey, embolden gun control activists and improve chances for enactment of such constitutionally defective measures by state governments.

If Republicans seriously want to keep the Second Amendment from being gutted entirely, they should consider the Supreme Court as a last resort rather than the first and best hope for preserving this vital individual liberty. They instead must grow a backbone with which to proactively defend the Second Amendment in city, county, state and federal elections every cycle; and simultaneously support those men and women in law enforcement who do understand and support the individual right to keep and bear arms, even in the face of adverse publicity that inevitably follows every instance in which criminals abuse firearms.

December 4, 2019 0 comment
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House Democrat Impeachment Rules Are Made For A Lynch Mob, Not A Legitimate Proceeding

by Liberty Guard Author December 2, 2019
written by Liberty Guard Author

The Daily Caller

by Bob Barr

The impeachment proceedings against President Trump have moved on from the House Intelligence Committee to the Judiciary Committee (which happens to be the only House committee with formal jurisdiction over impeachment). It is chaired by New York Rep. Jerrold Nadler, who has served on the committee for 27 years. Notwithstanding the change in venue, the proceedings are still a farce. They bear only surface resemblance to those in which I (and Nadler) participated 21 years ago.

The latest move in this game of impeachment took place on Sunday, when White House Counsel Pat Cipollone sent Nadler a letter telling him that his client — the president of the United States — would not be participating in the committee’s inaugural impeachment hearing later this week. The lawyer’s letter was blunt; but if anything, it was too polite.

Nadler had declared Sunday the date by which Trump must let him know if he accepted the invitation to “participate” in the committee’s activities. The deadline was conveyed to the president in a Nov. 26 letter. For its authority, the letter drew on House Resolution 660, which formally launched the impeachment inquiry when passed by the full House on Oct. 31. It also referenced the procedures subsequently adopted by the Judiciary Committee for its hearings.

Taken together, these three documents establish clearly that whether and however the president might wish to participate in the Judiciary proceedings, it would be within the absolute control of Nadler; just as last month’s impeachment hearings in the Intelligence Committee were controlled completely by Chairman Adam Schiff.

For example, while the rules seem to afford the president authority to call witnesses or demand certain evidence be presented to the committee in his defense, he would first be required to submit a detailed justification for such testimony, which then would be permitted only if the Democrat majority in its compassion were to agree. No trial lawyer worth his or her hourly rate would ever agree to such conditions. Yet Nadler persists in the lie that such a requirement is consistent with the rules that governed the last presidential impeachment, and also that the procedure affords the president robust due process and fairness. That Nadler can make such a claim with a straight face is the only aspect of this entire proceeding that is impressive.

There are other provisions in the Pelosi-Nadler impeachment rule book making it crystal clear that neither the president nor Republican members of the Judiciary are being afforded any real power to influence the proceedings. However, the pièce de résistance is the provision in the committee’s new rules that would punish the president were he to “unlawfully” stop any witness summoned by Nadler from testifying or providing evidence he has demanded.

Thus, if the president were to submit to the one-sided rules adopted by the Democrats, and thereby agree to “participate” in the proceedings against him; and if he were then to instruct a witness subpoenaed by Nadler to assert “executive privilege” as to certain testimony or as to not testify, then he would be subject to having unspecified “appropriate remedies” levied against him. Such a provision was not part of any of the rules or procedures under which the 1998 impeachment took place; and for good reason — such a provision is one to which only the most ill-advised president would consider agreeing.

As pointed out also by Cipollone, Nadler is demanding that the president commit to “participate” in the scheduled hearings — and thereby accept the rules mandated by the Democrats — without even knowing what witnesses the majority party is planning to call. All that was known by the Dec. 1 deadline, is that the first hearing will be “Impeachment 101” — a topic certain to offer nothing but a veneer of academic respectability for the deeply partisan exercise to which Pelosi has unwisely given her imprimatur.

Toward the close of his Nov. 26 letter, Nadler appears to appeal to the oath the president took upon being sworn in as our nation’s commander-in-chief, by noting the “solemn nature of the work before us.” What is taking place now before the Judiciary Committee, however, is no more “solemn” than one of Sen. Cory Booker’s “Spartacus moments.”

December 2, 2019 0 comment
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